SYMPHONIA=20 CARITATIS:

THE=20 CISTERCIAN CHANTS OF HILDEGARD VON BINGEN

A=20 THESIS

SUBMITTED=20 TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

OF=20 THE UNIVERSITY OF=20 MINNESOTA

Kent=20 Christian McGuire

IN=20 PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

FOR=20 THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS

Dr.=20 Donna Cardamone Jackson, adviser

July=20 2007

=A9=20 Kent Christian McGuire 2007

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank = Dr. Teresa=20 Vann, Dr. Matthew Heintzelman as well as the rest of the very helpful = staff at=20 the Hill Manscript Museum and Library at St.=20 John=92s University in=20 Collegeville, = Minnesota.

Dr. Susan Noakes and = Dr. Diane=20 C.W. Anderson at the Center for Medeival Studies at the University of = Minnesota for providing me with = hands-on=20 research skills in medieval manuscript research through the = collaborative annual=20 Summer Workshop in Medieval Manuscripts. =20 Additionally, I wish to express thanks to Dr. Diane C.W. Anderson = for her=20 insight and much needed corrections to my Latin translation of Laus Trinitati, informing me = of standard=20 core Latin authors and works in the late middle ages as well as her = guidance=20 through my preliminary paleographical studies;

Dr. Barbara Newman of = Northwestern = University for her insight, = suggested=20 sources and encouraging my research into primary sources;

Dr. Barbara = Haggh-Huglo at=20 University of Maryland, College=20 Park for sharing with me some of her research in = liturgical=20 Mansucripts from the Low = Countries;

Dr. Margot Fassler at = Yale=20 University and Jonathan H Juilfs for sharing insight into the Engelberg = Codex=20 103 (aka the =93Disibodenberg Antiphonal=94);

Dr. Constant Mews of = Monash = University for clarifying issues = regarding=20 the relationship between liturgical practice and jurisdiction between = distinct=20 orders and diocese in the 12^th century and for devoting his = precious=20 time in patiently answering my questions.

Dr. Catherine = Jeffreys for=20 sharing her research and reflections on Dendermonde Codex 9;

Sr. Maura Z=E1tonyi = OSB from the=20 Abbey of St. Hildegard and Dr. Wolfgang Podehl, Library Director at the=20 Hessische Landesbibliothek Wiesbaden for permission and assistance in = copies=20 from the Riesencodex;

Roger De Coster from = the=20 Abdij St.=20 Pieter & Paulus for bringing to light pertinent reference sources;=20

My=20 advisor and advocate Dr. Donna Cardamone Jackson for introducing me to = the=20 exciting field of musicological research as well as for her = encouragement and=20 support throughout my academic career;

The rest of my = examining=20 committee: Dr. Peter Mercer-Taylor, Dr. Susan Noakes, and Dr. Rebecca = Krug for=20 their patience and finally=85

DEDICATION

Dedicated to my wife, = Krista=20 Sandstrom and our children Soren and Birgitta for their continuing love, = sacrifice, and support.

ABSTRACT

This thesis provides the first comparative = analysis=20 situating the chants of Hildegard von Bingen within the = mid-12^th=20 century Cistercian liturgical reform. =20 In applying Cistercian theory, a clear distinction between the = melodies=20 written before and after Hildegard=92s move to the Rupertsberg is = exposed. In practice, her later chants=20 demonstrate shared compositional strategies and motifs with the chants = composed=20 under the Cistercian reform, as evidenced by antiphonals from the third = quarter=20 of the 12^th century. =20 Moreover, cross-referencing subjects represented within the = Dendermonde=20 Codex with those feasts added to the Cistercian calendar between 1150 = and 1175=20 suggests that the liturgy celebrated at the Rupertsberg was Cistercian=20 influenced. A review of = Hildegard=92s=20 correspondence in her later years suggests that she intended the = Cistercian=20 liturgy to continue after her death.

INTRODUCTION . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 1

A Word about the = Symphonia, =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 4 =20

Background on the = Cistercian=20 Reform =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 6

Life in Cistercian = Communities = . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 7

Origins Reconsidered = =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 8

Jurisdiction and = Liturgy = . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 10

CHAPTER 1: Origins of Authority . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 11

Spiritual World of = Hildegard =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 13

Hildegard=92s Divine = Authority =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 14

Authority of Virginity = and=20 Humility =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 15

CHAPTER 2: The Devil in Mainz . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 18

Consolidating the = Empire . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 19

In the Grasp of the = Devil . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 24

CHAPTER 3: The Cistercian Plan . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 27

Enacting the Plan . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 29

Liber diuinorum = operum . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 29

Sanctioning Authority: = The Myth of=20 Authorization =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 31

The Press-kit of = Authority: The=20 Dendermonde Codex = . =20 . =20 . =20 34

Wien, Osterreichische = Nationalbibliothek,=20 Codex 1016 =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 36

CHAPTER 4: Daily Worship=20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 40

The Divine Office . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 40

Antiphons and = Responsories =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 41

The Cistercian = Liturgical=20 Reform . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 43

Development of the = Cistercian=20 Liturgy =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 44

The First Recension = Liturgy :=20 Ambrosian Hyms and Metz Antiphonal . =20 45

The Second Recension = Liturgy =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 47

Hildegard=92s Cistercian = Liturgy =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 50

CHAPTER 5: Cistercian Theory in Practice . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 53

Modal Unity and = Restricted=20 Range &nbs= p;=20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 53

Avoidance of B-flat &nbs= p;=20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 56

Repetition and = Reduction . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 57

Cistercian Theory = Applied to=20 Hildegard = . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 60

Hildergard=92s use of = Cistercian=20 Maneria =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 62

Chronology of = Hildegard=92s Chant . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 63

CHAPTER 6: The Cistercian Chants to the Holy = Spirit =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 67

= Textual=20 relationships =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 68

=20

Spiritus sanctus uiuificans = (text) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 68

=20

Laus trinitiati (text) . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 69

= =20 Karitas habundat (text) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 70

= Melodic=20 Themes =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 71

= Regarding=20 St. Stephen &nbs= p; =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 75

CONCLUSION =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 78

APPENDICES =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 83

BIBLIOGRAPHY . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 102

LIST OF=20 TABLES

Table 5-1:=20 Chants which meet Cistercian criteria = . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 64

Table 5-2:=20 Chants which do not meet Cistercian criteria =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 65

Appendix A: Manuscripts = . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 83

Appendix B-1: Cistercian maneria . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 84

Appendix C: Dendermonde Codex . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 85

Appendix D: Chants which meet Cistercian maneria according to Regula . =20 88

Appendix E: Chants which do not meet Cistercian = criteria . =20 . =20 . =20 89

Appendix F: Pre-Rupertsberg Chants . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 90

Appendix G: Transcription Key =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 91

LIST = OF=20 FIGURES

Figure 5-1: Cistercian Maneria =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 55

Figure 5-2: Surge=20 propera amica mea (excerpt) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 56

Figure 5-3: Filie=20 iherusalem nuntiate (excerpt) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 58

Figure 5-4: Preciosus=20 athleta domini (excerpt) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 59

Figure 5-5: O=20 Ierusalem aurea (excerpt) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 61

Figure 5-6: O=20 Ierusalem aurea (excerpt) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 61

Figure 5-7: O=20 Ierusalem aurea (excerpt) =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 62

Figure 5-8: Protus =96 =91transposed=92 =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 62

Figure 6-1: Karitas 7^th = motif . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 71

Figure 6-2: Spiritus 8^th = motif . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 72

Figure 6-3: Lapidabant=20 iudei Stephanum motif . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 72

Figure 6-4: Laus=20 trinitati 7^th motif = . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 73

Figure 6-5: Karitas=20 habundat excerpt =96 super=20 motif . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 73

Figure 6-6: Karitas=20 habundat excerpt =96 super sidera =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 74

Figure 6-7: Domine=20 Ihesu Criste =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 74

Figure 6-8: summo regi=20 osculum pacis =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 74

Figure B-2: Descriptive Nomenclature =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 84

Appendix H: Transcription =96 Spiritus sanctus = uiuificans =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 95

Appendix I: Transcription =96 Karitas habundat =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 96

Appendix J: Transcription =96 Laus trinitati . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 97

Appendix K: Transcription =96 Laus trinitati (mode 1=20 transposition) = . =20 . =20 98

Appendix L: Transcription =96 Filie iherusalem nuntiate =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 99

Appendix M: Transcription =96 Preciosus athleta domini =20 . =20 . =20 . =20 100

Appendix N: Transcription =96 Sancte dei pretiose = (excerpts) . =20 . =20 . =20 101

Symphonia Caritatis: The = Cistercian=20 Chants of Hildegard von Bingen

=85at God=92s admonition I paid a = visit to Mount=20 St. Disibod=85where I presented the following petition to all who dwelt = there: I=20 requested that our monastery, as well as the alms accruing therefrom, be = free=20 and clear from their jurisdiction, for the sake of the salvation of our = souls=20 and our concern for the strict observance of the Rule.[1]=20 - Hildegard von Bingen to her = congregation of nuns=20 (ca. 1170)

For = the past 20=20 years, the popular perception of Hildegard von Bingen in the United=20 States has been one of New Age feminist = prophet=20 whose songs and visions shout out the virtues of 21^st century = female=20 empowerment from the desert of a medieval patriarchal society.[2] Even the more serious graduate = studies=20 which focus on her use of feminine imagery tend to exclude many = significant=20 contextual details by referring to the same limited core sources.[3] Although far from stating this = is a bad=20 thing, the lack of diversity in sources, methodology and the conclusions = drawn=20 from their analyses has served to uphold an unbalanced depiction of = Hildegard=20 among students and performers of her music.[4]=20

It = was an=20 article by Nico biographer, = Richard=20 Witts, appearing in Early = Music which=20 asked scholars and fans to mind the context of Hildegard within the = scope of=20 twelfth-century reform.[5] In this article, Witts created = an=20 intuitive argument citing, among other things, numerous coincidences and = numerological conspiracy theories, to indicate that Hildegard may have = been created by the = Cistercians. While his argument was lacking = in much=20 concrete evidence, his intuition regarding a Cistercian connection is = closer to=20 the mark than has been previously acknowledged.

The = argument of=20 a Cistercian connection especially in regard to Hildegard=92s music has = fallen=20 short due to the perpetuation of such assumptions as: one, Hildegard = maintained=20 the Disibodenberg liturgy when she established her own communities at = the=20 Rupertsberg and Eibingen; two, Cistercian liturgical theory was already = fully=20 developed and strictly practiced in the Rhineland during Hildegard=92s = lifetime;=20 and three, Hildegard wrote only for her community for the sake of = educating her=20 nuns.[6] Mention of the Cistercians is = relegated=20 to the footnote as Hildegard scholars cite trends and tendencies on a = universal=20 level rather than examining the particulars of individual works. Never has there been a serious = comparative analysis between Hildegard=92s chant with contemporary = Cistercian=20 theory and, more importantly, practice.

What = I attempt=20 here is a re-evaluation of sources with a redirected focus on the last = decade of=20 her life beginning around 1170 and concluding with her death in = 1179. It is my intent to build upon = Witts=92=20 argument and present a case for a shared Cistercian liturgical practice = between=20 Hildegard and individual Cistercian communities. At the core of my argument is = the=20 assumption that Hildegard, acting with foresight was concerned for the = spiritual=20 care of her community in the years after her death. She feared that without her=20 intervention, the corrupting influences of her parent monastery at = Disibodenberg=20 and the lax clergy within her archdiocese of Mainz would lead her daughters away = from=20 salvation. To counter, she and her provost Volmar established a=20 =93Cistercian plan=94 sometime around 1170. =20 The objective of this plan was to establish political, = theological and=20 liturgical ties with trusted communities who might intercede on behalf = of=20 Hildegard=92s two houses at Rupertsberg and Eibingen.

The = effect of=20 their Cistercian plan is reflected musically in comparative analyses = between=20 Hildegard=92s chants with those found in contemporary Cistercian = antiphonals=20 composed for liturgical practice. =20 This approach will uncover a general trend of compositional = refinement in=20 Hildegard=92s chants toward the Cistercian aesthetic.[7]=20 My research demonstrates that the chants written prior to her move to = the=20 Rupertsberg in 1150 clearly extend beyond Cistercian liturgical = theory. Conversely it finds that those = perceived=20 to have been written in her later years do indeed conform to the = principles of=20 the Cistercian liturgy. = To be=20 clear, this is not to say that all of her chants are Cistercian and = therefore=20 acceptable by all Cistercian communities, but there is enough = compounding=20 evidence to support the argument that within her lifetime, the specific=20 Cistercian community of Villers found the practice of her chants=20 acceptable. Moreover, the = evidence=20 uncovered supports Witts=92 hypothesis that the liturgy practiced at the = Rupertsberg was Cistercian.

The = sources=20 considered for this study include Hildegard=92s extensive body of = correspondence=20 in order to provide the political context which is lacking in her Vita, her last and most vivid = treatise,=20 the Liber diuinorum operum = which=20 reflects her latest theological writings, and finally provide = comparative=20 analyses by using Hildegard=92s chants as found in the Dendermonde Codex = and those=20 found in contemporary 12^th century manuscripts of Cistercian = and=20 Benedictine provenance.

In = support of=20 my argument three fronts shall be addressed. First, the political = climate including contextual = background into the=20 Cistercian reform, the view of Hildegard=92s spiritual authority, as = well as her=20 strained relationships with her superiors in the archdiocese of = Mainz. These together serve as the = catalyst for=20 her Cistercian plan. The second front provides an overview of the Divine = Office=20 within the monastic cursus. =20 Attention will be focused on the hour of Matins with a = description of its=20 two most prevalent chant types, antiphons and responsories. = Understanding the=20 Divine Office is crucial in establishing the context and ideology behind = the=20 Cistercian liturgical reform. = The=20 third front provides detail of the main principles of the reform. From here examples will be = drawn from=20 chants composed by the Cistercian reformers in the mid-12^th = century=20 in order to demonstrate instances where they broke from their own = theory. In the following chapter = Cistercian=20 theory is applied to all of the chants which appear in the Dendermonde=20 Codex. Cross-referencing = these=20 chants with those known to have been composed earlier, confirms the = trend of=20 refinement in Hildegard=92s melodies. =20 The final chapter focuses on three of those chants, Spiritus sanctus uiuificans, = Karitas habundat, and Laus trinitati in relation to = Cistercian=20 theory as well as in Hildegard=92s own compositional sensibilities.

A Word about = Symphonia

Referring to=20 the chants contained within the Dendermonde Codex (ca. 1175) and the = Riesencodex=20 (ca. 1180) as the Symphonia = armoniae=20 celestium revelationum, has served to perpetuate the myth that all = of her=20 chants were conceived as a cycle, not that they were in fact a = collection of=20 chants written over Hildegard=92s compositional lifetime. The term has been commonly = used due to=20 its appearance in the introduction of Hildegard=92s Liber Vitae Meritorum.[8]=20 I contend that what Hildegard knew as the Symphonia is actually a = smaller number,=20 approximated by those twenty-six chants whose texts appear in what = Barbara=20 Newman describes as the miscellany.[9] Those, along with chants = determined to=20 have been written at the request of other communities, and those written = prior=20 to her move to the Rupertsberg, had been collected within the = supplemental=20 antiphonal we know today as the Dendermonde Codex and the Riesencodex=20 (Henceforth D and R). =20

Therefore, when=20 referring to these chants, I will use the term coined by Catherine = Jeffreys cantus cum melodia (chant with = melody),=20 which appears to have been the preferred term used by Hildegard=92s = secretary and=20 biographers rather than to perpetuate the term Symphonia .[10]

Background on the Cistercian = Reform

The = traditional=20 account regarding the origin of the Cistercian movement begins with its = founding=20 by Robert of Molesme (c. 1027-1110) who led a small band of companions = to=20 establish a new monastery at Citeaux in 1098. The driving force behind = this move=20 was the desire to return to an authentic practice of = monasticism and=20 devote themselves to the practice of caritas.[11] In order achieve this they = removed=20 themselves from the secular activities which they believed had so = cluttered and=20 corrupted the established Benedictine traditions epitomized in the late=20 11^th century by Cluny.

The = spread of=20 the Cistercian order began under the abbots Alberic (1099-1109) and = Stephen=20 Harding (1109-1133). It was through their guidance that reform to=20 pre-Benedictine ways sought measures which imitated Christ in poverty = and in=20 evangelism. In 1112 = Bernard of=20 Clairvaux and twenty-nine of his followers joined the abbey at Citeaux, = doubling=20 its size. Within a year, = the=20 Cistercian movement was well underway, and soon after Bernard became = abbot of=20 his own abbey at Clairvaux in 1115. =20 Bernard=92s charismatic influence led to the establishment of no = fewer than=20 327 Cistercian foundations in France, Britain, Spain, Italy and well into Eastern=20 Europe between the years 1125 and 1151.[12] There were 160 affiliated = daughter=20 houses to Bernard=92s abbey alone. To=20 ensure unity of purpose, practice and matters of governance among these = many=20 houses, the Cistercian abbots met annually in General Chapters.[13]

The = attraction=20 to the Cistercian movement by so many however made it difficult for the = monks of=20 Citeaux and Clairvaux to remain removed from the secular world. It also made it difficult to = enforce=20 uniform practice among the new houses. =20 Nevertheless, through continual recruitment from lesser nobility, = as is=20 the case of Bernard of Clairvaux and his family, and land donations from = the=20 likes of Theobold of Blois, Henry of Troyes and Emperor Frederick = Barbarossa,=20 the Cistercians became economically prosperous.[14] Moreover, between 1137 and = 1147=20 Bernard=92s fame kept him fully embroiled in the affairs of Church and = State=20 including his role as intermediary between Louis VII and Thibault, Count = of=20 Champagne.[15]=20 Through Bernard=92s influence, the Cistercian order gained a = considerable=20 political foundation which culminated in the election of the first = Cistercian=20 Pope, Eugenius III (1145-1153). =20 Coupled with their evangelistic attitude, the Cistercians = preached out=20 against the Cathar heresy and became dominating forces for the Second, = Third and=20 Fourth Crusades.[16]

Life in Cistercian=20 Communities

In = their drive=20 toward authenticity, the Cistercians modeled their community on the = ideal monk,=20 St. Benedict of Nursia (480-547) and therefore strove to live in strict=20 observance of the Rule of St. Benedict. =20 Their zeal for authentic practice did not end there for they also = re-examined the works of those authors which were likely known by St.=20 Benedict. The greatest = impact from=20 this train of thought is noted in the reform of liturgical practice. = Initially=20 they adopted what they believed were the =93original=94 chants of Pope = Gregory I=20 (540-604) supplemented with hymns composed by St. Ambrose of Milan (ca=20 337-397)